Authored HCR 34 (2019), urging Congress to abolish ICE. His HCR 20 (2021) urges Congress to restore the federal Voting Rights Act, a different measure. Absent-excused on SB 8 third reading May 25, 2025, but voted Nay on the June 1 final conference report (89-52-1). His immigration record includes both proposals and a recorded final enforcement-policy vote. (May 25 Journal; June 1 Journal).

Signed on as joint author of HB 3338 (2025) on March 11, 2025, proposing concrete-plant permit restrictions in unzoned municipalities within five miles of schools, daycares or hospitals. That was an authorship date, not a signature into law. Its last action was committee referral on March 21, 2025; it did not become law. Also authored HB 5071 on development-permit regulation exemptions and HB 871 on municipal building codes. These are relevant siting/development records, not proof of a position on data centers or annexation. (HB 3338 authors; member legislation). [official bill history] Rating basis: Signed on as joint author March 11, 2025, not signed into law. Last action: committee referral March 21, 2025. Specific concrete-plant siting protections establish a relevant neighborhood- protection record; no enacted result is claimed.

Voted NO on SB 2 (2025), the $1B ESA/voucher bill, and says: "Texas needs to invest more in our public schools and not on private school vouchers for the rich at the expense of our neighborhood public schools." Long-running public-school advocate. No record found on STAAR overhaul specifically (Community Impact Q&A, Jan 2026).

Co-author of HB 4838 (2025), directing a state assessment of language accessibility in health and human services, and voted YEA on engrossment (Record 1948, 66-64-3). The bill passed the House in May 2025 but did not become law; its last recorded action was receipt in the Senate on May 12, 2025. Fort Bend's large limited-English population makes this district- relevant (FastDemocracy record; Texas Legislature Online).

Co-authored the Texas CROWN Act (HB 567, 2023) banning hair-based discrimination and testified in the Barbers Hill ISD case. Chairs the Texas Legislative Black Caucus. In March 2021 condemned anti-Asian hate and inflammatory rhetoric at a Fort Bend solidarity press conference; in May joined a Unity Against Hate rally resolution. These are statements and symbolic activity, not proof of hate-crime-statute authorship. (Houston Chronicle; AsAmNews). ting basis: Joint author of enacted substantive CROWN Act protections, plus implementation vocacy. Same implemented-result 5 boundary as other enacted civil-rights/education leadership.

No immigration, border, 287(g) or visa position found. His five-prong plan covers public safety, veterans'/seniors' healthcare, pro-business growth, infrastructure and accountability, with no immigration plank. He is himself an immigrant, but no policy statements were found.

In his September 29, 2026 questionnaire supports tax incentives and vacant-land development, more housing supply, business infrastructure and drainage fixes. These are specific housing/development commitments, not enacted policy or a position on every local zoning dispute. (Community Impact). Rating basis: Specific tax incentives, vacant-land housing production and drainage commitments. Platform-only; specificity meets 4, not automatic downgrade for no office.

In his September 29, 2026 questionnaire calls for parental rights, curriculum transparency, and "faith, family and freedom" in schools, with parents deciding rather than bureaucracy. This is a clear education position, not a verified voucher or AANHPI-curriculum proposal. (Community Impact).

Nothing found in the checked sources on multilingual services, ballots or language-access policy.

His public-safety plank calls for strengthening community security and supporting first responders. No hate-crime-specific policy was located in the cited platform; nothing on hate crimes, the James Byrd Jr. Act or anti-Asian violence. All five of his ratings are NR (campaign site).